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Cultural salvation and Musical Education:
residues of colonization processes in Brazilian Northeast
Salvação cultural e Educação Musical:
resíduos do processo colonial no Nordeste Brasileiro
Andersonn Henrique Araújo1
andersonn.henrique.araujo@gmail.com
1 Departamento de Música e Artes, Universidade do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte, Mossoró, Rio Grande do Norte, Brasil
SCIENTIFIC ARTICLE
Section Editor: Fernando Chaib
Layout Editor: Fernando Chaib
License: "CC by 4.0"
Submitted date: 02 may 2025
Final approval date: 20 jun 2025
Publication date: 02 aug 2025
DOI: https://doi.org/10.35699/2317-6377.2025.58955
ABSTRACT: This theoretical discussion deepens the data from my doctoral research and introduces new elements to reflect on
the concept of Cultural Salvation (CS). It outlines key characteristics of CS identified through a review of literature in Music
Education and the Social Sciences. Between January 2022 and July 2023, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork at Ilha de Música
Social Project, located in África Community in Natal, Brasil. I identified three central elements of CS: the metaphysical veil of
music’s power, the ritualistic order, and the transformation process. Understanding CS as an exercise of power is essential for
music educators. This awareness supports a critical, inclusive approach to music education for children and adolescents living in
socially unequal conditions. The text concludes by raising questions that seek to reconstruct musical practices within social
projects, aiming to challenge and overcome the structural foundations of inequality embedded in the idea of Cultural Salvation.
KEYWORDS: Colonization; Cultural Salvation; Social Projects; Sociology of Music Education; Weber and Music Education.
RESUMO: Esta discussão teórica aprofunda os dados da minha pesquisa de doutorado e introduz novos elementos para refletir
sobre o conceito de Salvação Cultural (SC). O texto delineia características centrais da SC identificadas a partir de uma revisão da
literatura nas áreas da Educação Musical e das Ciências Sociais. Entre janeiro de 2022 e julho de 2023, realizei trabalho de campo
etnográfico no Projeto Social Ilha da Música, localizado na Comunidade África, em Natal, Brasil. Identifico três elementos centrais
da SC: o véu metafísico do poder da música, a ordem ritualística e o processo de transformação. Compreender a SC como exercício
de poder é essencial para educadores musicais. Essa consciência sustenta uma abordagem crítica e inclusiva da educação musical
voltada para crianças e adolescentes em contextos de desigualdade social. O texto conclui levantando questões que buscam
reconstruir as práticas musicais no âmbito de projetos sociais, com o objetivo de questionar e superar os fundamentos estruturais
da desigualdade presentes na ideia de Salvação Cultural.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Colonização; Salvação cultural; Projetos Sociais Sociologia da Educação Musical; Weber e a Educación Musical.
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1. Introduction
Urban landscapes often exhibit a stark juxtaposition of wealth and poverty, underscored by pervasive
economic and social disparities. In certain contexts — such as in Natal, Brasil
1
— drug cartels exploit children
and adolescents, thereby deepening existing socio-economic inequalities. Concurrently, public policies
struggle to enact meaningful transformation, inadvertently exacerbating societal challenges. Amidst this
complex backdrop, a noteworthy initiative has emerged: the establishment of children's and youth
orchestras in underprivileged neighborhoods. These orchestras convey musical education to individuals from
marginalized backgrounds, aspiring to reshape their attitudes, behaviors, and futures. The overarching goal
is to rescue these youth from the clutches of disillusionment and risky behavior, ultimately mitigating
negative outcomes such as poverty, violence, and crime. This scene could describe the environment of most
big cities around the world and the consequent actions created to address these problems. Central to this
inquiry is the exploration of whether music can serve as a transformative force, potentially guiding children
and adolescents away from behavioral challenges and drug-related entanglements. In other words, can
children be steered away from high-risk behaviors and substance involvement through music learning?
To face the challenge of trying to understand these processes, I have employed the lens of Sociology of Music
Education to delve into the dynamics of Cultural Salvation (CS) within the musical experiences of individuals,
particularly (former) participants of Ilha de Música Social Project. Music classes take place outside regular
school hours and are offered through social projects. The content covered includes music theory,
instrumental practice, and choral singing. The routine is challenged by limited resources, yet it is marked by
strong student engagement and cultural resilience. Most students are children and adolescents from the
local community, with low household income and limited access to formal cultural assets. Their motivation
to participate goes beyond musical learning — it also involves a desire for belonging, appreciation, and
recognition.
Ilha de Música is located within Comunidade da África (Africa Community). This area is an informal
settlement situated in Redinha neighborhood, in the North Zone of Natal, which belongs to the city’s
Administrative North Region. The territorial boundaries of the community are as follows: to the north, it
borders the municipality of Extremoz, including the area known as Redinha Nova; to the south, it borders
the Salinas neighborhood, also located in Natal’s North Zone; to the east, again Redinha Nova, part of the
municipality of Extremoz; and to the west, the estuary of the Potengi River. Comunidade da África is an
informal settlement established in an environmentally sensitive area that includes dunes, mangroves,
lagoons, and the Potengi estuary. Recognized as a “Special Area of Social Interest” (Área Especial de Interesse
Social – AEIS) in Natal Master Plan, the community faces significant housing precariousness and a lack of
basic infrastructure.
The Comunidade da África is the result of an urban occupation process marked by social vulnerability. The
area developed in a peripheral zone, characterized by unplanned growth and lack of State-provided basic
services. Its formation reflects historical inequalities, with residents often rendered invisible by the city’s
urban planning. The population is predominantly Black and Brown. This ethnic-racial identity directly
1
We have chosen to use the original spelling of the country name Brasil instead of its English translation
Brazil in order to preserve proper names. However, the demonym Brazilian will be used in English.
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influences how residents are treated and perceived by public policies, often becoming targets of
marginalization and erasure discourses (Araújo, 2024).
Social projects constitute important instruments of social action, aiming to include marginalized individuals
and groups by providing them with access to culture, education, and music, with the goal of expanding their
opportunities for social participation and the exercise of citizenship. According to Geoff Baker (2010; 2021;
2022), these projects go beyond mere technical music instruction, configuring themselves as integrated
educational and social processes that consider the cultural, social, and affective dimensions of the
participants. The author offers criticism of projects that fail to engage in self-evaluation and end up
reproducing logics of inequality and exclusion. Baker also suggests that they can function as spaces of cultural
and political resistance, contributing to the redefinition of identities and the valorization of popular cultures.
Drawing upon my exploration of culture, I propose an interplay between culture and religion, specifically
focusing on how culture inherits key components parallel to CS. This study involved formulating an Ideal
Type termed "Cultural Salvation," which serves as a valuable tool for understanding and interpreting musical
encounters within communities facing social vulnerability. My investigation revealed that the emergence of
CS hinges upon two essential conditions: material conditions and cultural (kultur) conditions. Regarding the
material conditions, I focused on the repercussions of colonization, which marginalized the descendants of
Afroamerindians and left them in a vulnerable state. This historical process significantly contributed to their
socio-economic and societal subjugation. Concerning the cultural condition, I examined the influence of
religious heritage on culture, particularly within the context of learning. It became evident that music held a
pivotal role in cultural practices, which can be traced back to the experiences of colonization in Brasil.
Ilha de Música represents one among many similar projects across Brasil and South America. Its primary
objective is to rescue young individuals from disillusionment and potential deviant paths, effectively
combating negative outcomes like poverty, violence, and crime. It offers diverse classes, including trumpet,
guitar, trombone, saxophone, percussion, recorder, and music theory. Every student is welcome to
participate in the Orchestra, regardless of their musical proficiency or skill's level.
I identified a transformative process termed "Cultural Salvation." The first step in understanding CS was to
identify how it permeates my own life.
2. Cultural Salvation and me
I came from a poor working-class family in Brasil, struggling with financial limitations. My parents were part
of the internal migration from rural regions to the urban center of Rio Grande do Norte. They moved to
Natal, the capital of the State of Rio Grande do Norte, in the 1970s. When I was a child, I was studying the
piano in a free music program in a social project, some reactions were dismissive: the piano was labeled as
"fancy" or "chic." However, both then and now, I have always firmly believed that everyone should have the
opportunity to study the piano—it is not reserved for a privileged group. At a young age, I didn’t fully grasp
the undertones of the words "fancy" and "chic"—essentially conveying that music, particularly the piano,
wasn’t accessible to the working class in Brasil. The cost of a used piano was equal to my parent's income
for a year, which made it impossible for my parents to buy one.
Studying the piano gave me opportunities that my parents and family didn't have, like studying at university,
going to museums, watching a concert at theater, and sometimes playing music on theater stages. Learning
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the piano gave me opportunities that were unimaginable for my social background. In this way, the paradox
of being white (from the perspective of Brazilian society) from a low working-class neighborhood was
combined with another: I was also a poor child who played the piano.
My mother's family comes from a region marked by land conflicts between the descendants of native
peoples and Portuguese settlers—conflicts that began to intensify during the so-called “Guerra dos
Bárbaros” (War of the Barbarians) by the colonizers (a term loaded with prejudice), which started in 1650.
In the late 17th and early 18th centuries, Açu hinterland, in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, was the scene
of the "Guerra dos Bárbaros", marked by conflicts between Indigenous peoples—such as the Tapuia and
Janduí—and Portuguese colonizers. Native groups resisted occupation, enslavement, and the destruction of
their ways of life (Cascudo, 1984).
To this day, the conflict has not been satisfactorily resolved—that is, the land has yet to be returned to the
descendants of the native peoples through agrarian reform. My mother is the descendant of poor
Portuguese rural workers and Indigenous peoples without land.
My father's family descends from formerly enslaved Brazilians and Portuguese. Historically, they have been
somewhat better integrated into today’s capitalist society and are part of the lower middle class. My
grandmother and great-uncles performed what we refer to as cantorias—a form of singing accompanied by
guitar or banjo and tambourine. This repertoire encompasses musical traditions of Afro-Brazilian,
Indigenous, and European origins, including genres such as coco, embolada, sextilhas and romances, the
latter bearing strong influence from the troubadour tradition of the Iberian Peninsula. Samba is also a
cultural passion in my father’s family. Every time that we were together, my grandmother, uncles, and aunts
would play music and sometimes they hired some samba musicians to play with us.
Unfortunately, these family gatherings were not the most suitable space to play the music that I was learning,
such as Chopin, Bach, and Mozart. The atmosphere for playing the European canon was completely different
from samba in a family meeting, in which there is no audience separate from the musicians. Music brought
me together and at the same time distanced me from my family. Even though they always loved to go and
see me play, I felt that my place was on a theater stage and not necessarily in family gatherings.
After adopting cultural practices from individuals in higher social strata in Brasil, I attended an undergraduate
program in Music Teaching. Some of my colleagues that were studying music with me had the same music
background of my family (popular music), and they encountered problems in not understanding the
harmonic, rhythmic forms, score sheet writing, and other elements present in the European canon that were
presented as the focus of that teacher training.
In other words, I had the cultural capital (Bourdieu, 2007) necessary to be successful at university that my
peers from higher classes who had not studied this type of music lacked. Although I felt completely
integrated and prepared for the academic environment, the music I learned had little impact on my family
gatherings.
The process of integration and non-integration through music of people from the lower classes into society
has become a focus in my work as a teacher. Since 2005, the year I started to study at university, I have
taught classes in different projects for children and adolescents in socially vulnerable and precarious
economic situations.
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In my life experience with music, and through observation of my students, I have observed the following:
people come from lower social classes, and after acquiring knowledge and adopting cultural practices from
individuals in higher social strata, they begin to occupy societal roles and spaces typically inaccessible to
those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. This promotes what I call Cultural Salvation (CS). However, I
only realized this after I researched music education in a social project.
3. Culture
To understand CS, I approach culture both as a field within the social sciences and sociology of music
education and as a form of human production. Viewed as human production, culture emerges as a powerful
force that shapes power dynamics, control, and domination (Weber, 2009).
Music education sociologists Ruth Wright and John Finney undertake an exploration of the concept of
culture, drawing on the works of Raymond Williams and Pierre Bourdieu to both critique the concept and
relate it to music learning. Based on this discussion, Wright and Finney (2010) make the following points:
a. They critique the traditional view of culture as something fixed, associated solely with the "fine arts" or
so-called high culture—that is, what has historically been valued by elites as a symbol of social distinction.
b. Culture should not be seen merely as products (works, objects) or superior repertoires, but as a living
social process shaped by power relations, everyday practices, values, meanings, and shared understandings
among human groups.
c. There is not just one culture, but multiple cultures that coexist, compete for space, and are constantly
recreated. Culture, therefore, is dynamic, constructed through social interactions, and includes not only
artistic practices but also ways of life, beliefs, rituals, and everyday languages.
d. Hegemonic conceptions of culture function as mechanisms of exclusion or legitimation of certain social
groups. For example, by defining only Western classical music as "legitimate," education contribute to
marginalizing other musical traditions.
In the concept of culture, I identified the following aspects:
1) Culture is hierarchical, therefore, it organizes and highlights social positions, which allow the
(re)production of a social order, as well as its contestation (Souza, 2020).
2) Culture is a form of capital (Bourdieu, 2007; Souza, 2020), representing the accumulation and exchange
of knowledge, skills, behaviors, and experiences. This cultural capital can be leveraged to attain social status
and gain advantages within societal structures. Culture is concentrated in certain social groups, passed down,
valued by social contexts and institutions, it is embodied, objectified, and institutionalized. Culture is a
formative experience for human beings because it is symbolic and gives meaning to personal and collective
experiences.
4. Salvation
The “material condition” that underscores social vulnerability is rooted in the impacts of colonization and
has marginalized Afro-Indigenous descendants, intensifying their precarious position.
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For those of us who are inserted into society from precarious positions inherited from colonization
2
, what
occurred with the arrival of the Portuguese ships on the lands of the Potiguara people (where the city of
Natal is now located) was, above all, the imposition of an economic system based on the indiscriminate
exploitation of nature. To enable this, on one side enslaved labor was used, and on the other, a religious
system of salvation that upheld such exploitation. Paraphrasing my maternal grandmother: Anhangá, with
his insatiable thirst for blood, left us with Ôia, which paralyzes and lulls us to sleep.
3
Professor Geoffrey Baker, from the University of London, has conducted extensive research on music
education in non-formal educational contexts. His work encompasses: an analysis of the impact of
colonization on Latin American music (Baker and Knighton 2010); a systematic critique of the “musical
miracle” narrative associated with El Sistema (Baker 2021); and the development of alternative frameworks
for reimagining musical practices (Baker 2021).
In comparing El Sistema in Venezuela and Medellín Music School Network (Red) in Colombia, Baker also
identifies the influence of religion in these social projects. The author argues that both Red and El Sistema
display the following religious connotations: they revolve around a founder; they are linked to a system of
charismatic patriarchy; they implement a hierarchical structure centered on male authority figures; they
develop vertical hierarchies (such as popular vs. classical music; wind vs. string sections; less experienced vs.
more experienced students); they require tirelessly hard work, with long hours of study and personal
sacrifice in the pursuit of the desired musical “perfection”; they are focused on preparing students for a
future life, usually oriented toward careers in orchestras or entry into universities; and students have little
social activity outside of rehearsals and music lessons (Baker,2021).
These religious connotations observed by Geoffrey Baker in El Sistema and Medellín Music School Network
(Red) resonate with my own findings during ethnographic fieldwork at Ilha de Música project. Similar to the
projects studied by Baker, Ilha de Música also revolves around a charismatic founder and operates within a
hierarchical structure where musical authority is often gendered and centralized. The division between
“legitimate” and “illegitimate” repertoires, and the promise of a better future through academic or
professional insertion are likewise present. However, within the specific historical and cultural context of
Brasil—and particularly within communities historically shaped by colonization, slavery, and agrarian
conflict—these structures also influence deeper processes of Cultural Salvation. The metaphysical veil of
music’s transformative power, the ritualistic organization of musical practice, and the disciplining of bodies
and desires through music education echo colonial legacies masked by the promise of social mobility in
Brazilian context.
The sociologist Florestan Fernandes (1965) was one of the leading Brazilian scholars who studied the societal
systems that shaped Brazilian society through the hierarchization, exclusion, and inclusion of Black
2
Social and historical contexts are diverse. Even within the same State in Brasil, there are differences,
whether through the type of occupation, or in relation to the receptiveness of the native population to the
actions of the colonizer.
3
Anhangá, in this context, is understood as a malevolent spirit that devours with an unquenchable hunger.
In some of the places my maternal family frequents, the name is still considered taboo and is only spoken in
very specific situations. In other regions with Indigenous influence, the term may carry different meanings.
Ôia is a word used more frequently in my family. It refers to a sudden and uncontrollable sleep, a weakness
in the body that paralyzes and prevents a person from getting up to do what they must or need to do.
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individuals. According to the author, Africans, who were transplanted as slaves to the Americas, saw their
lives and destinies become tied to a brutal system of human exploitation, in which they were regarded solely
as instruments of labor and capital. The transition from colonization to a competitive social order, based on
the free availability of the workforce, was accompanied by equally significant phenomena in the realm of
culture and social relations.
Within this system of entrenched inequalities, the Jesuit priests were tasked with the role of integrating
marginalized groups—specifically the Indigenous peoples—into the colonial order, positioning them as loyal
subjects of the Portuguese crown and obedient servants of the Church. Regarding the relationship between
civilization, habits, and learning, the Jesuit priest Antônio de Matos wrote a letter about the musical practices
of indigenous peoples in Rio de Janeiro during the 17th Century. The priest interconnected European musical
practices and social spaces to the objectives of colonization. In his words, the goal of Jesuits was “to
domesticate them [indigenous] in habits [...] so that they know how to promote divine worship, and help
celebrate divine services with singing and musical instruments” (Matos apud Holler 2010, 177).
In studies of colonialism, culture has been considered a social process to reinforce unequal relationships of
power and domination of those who are culturally “developed" (such as priests) over those who are not (e.g.
indigenous people) (Araújo, 2024). These aspects are present on the surface of priest Matos' words. The
relation of power goes one way: from those already saved to those who are candidates for salvation. Another
interesting aspect of Matos's conception is music as a way to participate in colonial society. For this to
happen, it is necessary to be domesticated, in other words, to renounce indigenous culture and embrace the
colonizers’ culture and music.
The Brazilian Indigenous author Ailton Krenak (2019), in his book “Ideias para adiar o fim do mundo”
4
,
proposes a counter-colonial approach grounded in the appreciation of alternative ways of existing. Krenak
argues that colonization was not merely a territorial invasion but also provoked a profound rupture with
diverse modes of living and perceiving the world. By imposing a singular, utilitarian, and market-driven
worldview, it transformed lands, rivers, forests, and even people into mere resources to be exploited. The
author further points out that this process sought to “domesticate” everything that did not conform to its
project, disqualifying the knowledge, languages, cosmologies, and ways of life of Indigenous peoples,
quilombola communities, and other traditional groups.
This process of abandoning one's own culture and using music and musical instruments to celebrate the
divine services was considered part of the process of salvation. But in everyday life, the native culture was
not completely abandoned; I prefer to understand this phenomenon as a multitemporal heterogeneity
resulting from power relations, in which music is used both as a means of (re)existence and as an instrument
of domination. According to Canclini (2019), despite attempts by elites to give their culture a modern profile,
restricting the spread of indigenous and colonial culture among the popular sectors, the interclassist
miscegenation resulting from these interrelationships generated hybrid formations across Latin American.
But the question here is: which music was imposed as a model of society in a process of domination by sword
(military) and by word (priest), and which music needed to adapt itself to survive and resist colonization?
To explore salvation, I trace the history of Redinha District, in the City of Natal, Brasil, the home of Ilha de
Música Social Program. Two reasons drive this choice: Firstly, Natal is a peripheral city in Brasil. When
4
In free translation, “Ideas to Postpone the End of the World”.
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researchers study colonization they usually focus on major colonial centers like Rio de Janeiro, Recife, São
Paulo, or Salvador. As can be seen in Image 1, Natal is far from the administrative centers of the republic.
The city of Natal is located approximately 1,100 km from Salvador (BA), which served as the capital of Brasil
from 1549 to 1763; about 2,500 km from Rio de Janeiro (RJ), the seat of the Brazilian government from 1763
to 1960; and approximately 2,300 km from Brasília (DF), which became the federal capital on April 21, 1960,
and remains so to this day. Secondly, I aim to understand the origins of Ilha de Música students, and by
connecting with their pasts, I glimpsed meanings of “learning music” in the present.
The North Zone of Natal, presently known as Africa Community, was originally settled by the Potiguaras
native people. They engaged in trade with the French and Dutch before Portuguese colonization. The
Portuguese formed alliances with other Native nations to drive out the non-Portuguese occupants. The
agreement with the Potiguaras was that the Portuguese would occupy the southern lands of the Potengi
River (uplands on the following map) and construct the so-called Fortaleza dos Reis Magos (Fortress of Three
Wise Men) (on the left of the map), while the Potiguaras People would reside in the northern territories
(displayed on the bottom and near the middle of the map).
Figure 1 – Localization of the City of Natal and distance to big centers in Brasil.
Reference: Google Maps edited by the author.
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In the middle of the twentieth century, the anthropologist Camara Cascudo (1999, 49) wrote about this
episode:
The conquest by the sword would be consolidated by the catechesis of the spirits. Muskets,
cannons, spears, swords, and pillories would do nothing. Once defeated, the indigenous
man retreated like a wave and would return, stronger, smashing into the stone walls of
Fortaleza do Reis Magos. The process was to put the swords back in the sheaths and to give
the word to priests.
5
The salvation implemented by the Portuguese was not limited to the soul of the “savage”, it was also a
colonial undertaking. The domination of indigenous bodies should also be carried out through the imposition
of a colonial logic promoted by the priests. Weapons were not enough, it was also necessary to dominate
the spirit of the natives, and music was an important part to “domesticate” the body, as revealed by the
priest Antônio de Matos.
Portuguese colonization in Potiguara lands was based on three main aspects: a) the expropriation of
indigenous people from their lands and transfer to the Jesuit missions, also called Jesuit villages; b) the
5
Free translation of: a conquista pela espada seria consolidada pela catequese dos espíritos. Mosquetes,
canhões, lanças, espadas e pelouros nada fariam. Vencido, recuava o indígena como uma onda e voltaria,
mais forte, quebrando-se nas muralhas de pedra do Reis Magos. O processo era embainhar a espada e dar
a palavra ao padre (Cascudo 1999, 49).
Figure 2 – Bird's eye view of the fort of Keulen near the Rio Grande River and environs. Source: Atlas of Mutual Heritage.
Reference: Atlas of Mutual Heritage; https://www.atlasofmutualheritage.nl/nl/Vogelvlucht-fort-Keulen-bij-Rio-Grande-omgeving.6715.
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process of saving indigenous souls through catechization, which included music education in the service of
faith; c) the process of cultural salvation of the native population, based on the inculcation of Portuguese
culture, that is, education to make indigenous people into “domesticated” vassals of the Portuguese Crown.
Step by step, the indigenous were expelled from the Northern region of the City of Natal. They were sent to
two Jesuit villages: São Miguel do Guajiru and São João Batista de Guaraíras. These settlements were close
to sugar-cane plantations. The indigenous population became a workforce for the Jesuit priests, and
sometimes they worked in plantations alongside enslaved people brought from Africa (Araújo, 2024).
Throughout the early Republican period in Brasil, salvationists conceptions began to incorporate elements
of positivism. This movement, on the one hand, brought a strong hygienist bias, which led, among other
consequences, to the gentrification of popular music by the Brazilian elites and population migrations,
whether spontaneous or forced — as seen, for instance, in the removal of poor communities from city
centers at the beginning of the twentieth century, a process whose effects still persist today. On the other
hand, education came to be used as a civilizing veneer, serving as an instrument to modernize Brasil. Within
this modernization process, musical expressions of Black and Indigenous origins were integrated into
nationalism through the appropriation of elements from these cultures into traditional orchestration, that
is, the orchestral practices associated with the elites.
In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, Afro-Indigenous descendants from these villages re-migrated to
what had once been the ancestral lands of Potiguara people in Natal. They resettled in these lands but under
challenging economic circumstances, seeking refuge from drought and aspiring to improve their lives in the
city of Natal. Therefore, the persistent social vulnerability in the Africa Community can be traced back to the
enduring impacts of the colonization process.
5. Cultural Salvation
After having discussed the senses and meanings of culture and salvation situated in the colonization process,
I outline Cultural Salvation as an Ideal Type that inherits from religion. I argue that it is present in music
teaching for people from the lower classes (under domination), though it is not limited to these groups. CS
occurs in a directional movement from the saved to the candidates for salvation. The saved are generally
teachers, musicians, and those who serve as references for candidates for salvation. The candidates are
students considered vulnerable or at social risk, who usually live in favelas and neighborhoods that are
labeled as “dangerous”.
Religious salvation, which acted as a tool for imposing the dominant culture during colonization, has left
residual symbols and shared meanings in present-day education. CS in music emerges from the historical
intertwining of two distinct yet interconnected universes: religion and culture.
I identify three significant elements of CS in music education:
1. the metaphysical veil of the power of music;
2. the ritualistic order;
3. the transformation process.
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The metaphysical veil of music's power: This element encompasses the perception of music as having a
profound and transcendent influence, something akin to a metaphysical force. According to Weber (2009
33, free translation), Power (Macht) “means any chance to impose one’s own will in a social relationship,
even against resistance, regardless of the basis of that chance.”
6
Thus, power does not depend on people’s
acceptance of the exercise of will. Max Weber defines power as the ability to impose one's own will in a
social relationship, even in the face of resistance. This means that power does not necessarily depend on the
consent of the people over whom it is exercised; The metaphysical veil is a way to exercise the power and
the to conceal the negative effects of the exercise of power in mists formed by salvationist discourses.
The ritualistic order involves the establishment of a structured and ritual-like approach to musical practices
and education, embedding a sense of order and tradition. The ritualistic order concerns the incorporation of
the colonial paradigm into everyday life through education. For Basil Bernstein (1996), the school, in a
metaphorical sense, can be seen as a mirror that either reflects or obscures both positive and negative
images. In this reflection, the school reproduces the projection of a hierarchy of values—class-based
values—highlighting the power dynamics that permeate its functioning. Within the historical context of
Jesuit colonization, the school was used as a strategic tool to instill European culture in indigenous peoples,
replacing their original traditions and cultural practices. Now, as then, the soundscape within the school
reflects this inequality, as the sounds it promotes often lack meaning for a significant portion of students.
Schooling serves as an ordering and ritualing through which society provides mediation of the world, while
simultaneously influencing the reproduction of dominant values, as Bernstein suggests.
CS is understood as a ritualistic process that also manifests in the construction of a study routine beyond the
boundaries of learning music, fostering a sense of duty and responsibility within the child toward themselves
and the group. Thus, ritualization not only structures the learning process but also establishes a meaningful
connection between the musician, the instrument, music, and society.
This systematic study approach is complemented by a ritualistic order that permeates artistic performances.
Numerous examples of essential ritual prologues, many of which have been perpetuated for centuries,
illustrate this practice. Among the most noteworthy are:
• the sound signals indicate the beginning of activities in theaters, a practice also observed in schools;
• stretching and musical warm-ups, incorporating specific techniques at the start of instrumental
lessons;
• in symphonic bands in the countryside of Northeast in Brasil, the ritual associated with the conductor’s
presence, where their entrance into the rehearsal space imposes non-verbalized yet understood
restrictions among the members;
• the orchestra conductor traditionally enters the stage from the left side after the tuning led by the
concertmaster, with musicians and the audience positioned in an arrangement established since the
Renaissance;
• the pianist who, upon taking the stage, adjusts the bench to their height, breathes silently, and raises
their arms before playing the first notes.
6
Poder “significa toda probabilidade de impor a própria vontade numa relação social, mesmo contra
resistências.”
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The final element of CS in music education that I identified in Ilha de Música is the Belief in the
Transformation Process. According to Weber (2009), while power is the exercise of will over individuals,
domination (Herrschaft) is the acceptance and subordination of individuals to the power exercised by
someone. In this sense, the belief in the Transformation Process serves to legitimize the acceptance of the
exercise of power.
In Ilha de Música this element underscores the belief that engaging with music can lead to personal and
societal transformation. Believing in a process of transformation (such as a cultural, social, or ideological
process) can be a way to justify or legitimize the exercise of power. In other words, this transformation
process would be seen as a collective good, helping to accept and internalize the authority or imposed
changes.
The transformation process is linked to the idea of “saving”: What does it mean "to be saved"?
Under colonization, to be saved was to leave behind the native culture, become Catholic and follow the
Portuguese Crown. This also meant to participate in colonial social spaces (such as the church) and to be part
of the colonial economy, working in a situation analogous to slavery.
In contemporary CS, transformation maintains a connotation of integration into a different social position
for those who have experienced it. It often centers around a figure of power, evoking gratitude from the
transformed individuals towards their "savior". This kind of transformation is personal rather than social,
and distinct from social mobility. In my research in Ilha de Música, I detected the former students largely
maintained in their social class, even if they obtained certain privileges and distinctions compared to others
not “saved” in their community. Notably, their neighbors recognized them as "saved" from the dangers of
drug involvement. In this context, transformation does not mean change in the mode of social reproduction
of inequalities; what occurs is an ascension in the same social class.
In interviews, former students, coordinators, and teachers articulated distinct archetypes of former
students. They serve as fundamental reference points for understanding the dynamics and nuances of
education within the context of Ilha de Música, shedding light on the varied perspectives and experiences of
former students and their relationship with music. The archetypes are: the unsaved (the lost and the
deviant), and the saved (the enchanted and the present
7
).
The unsaved people, the lost and deviant, are students that studied music in the social program but for some
reason left: some simply gave up music, some became a criminal, some even died. In field research, I heard
frequent stories about how someone gave up classes and after that was coopted by criminals as a dealer –
in other words, took the wrong pathway. The unsaved are counter-examples: pathways that the children
should not take.
The second category is enchanted (encantados): The enchanted are presented as central elements in the
Afro-Indigenous religious practices present in África Comunity, which we had the opportunity to visit through
ethnographic fieldwork activities. These spiritual entities perform important symbolic and communal
functions, reinforcing bonds of belonging and cultural resistance in the face of a historical context marked
7
Presente in Portuguese has different meanings: one who lives or is among us (presença); a verb tense
(presente); a gift - give a gift, or someone could be a gift for his community. I flirt with all these meanings.
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by erasure and marginalization. In Afro-Indigenous religions, these beings possess human characteristics but
live in another dimension. They are generally associated with natural forces—such as rivers, forests, and
winds—and appear in places of worship as spiritual entities that guide, counsel, and heal. The enchanted
were once people who lived in this world but, for some reason, transcended into the spiritual realm. At
times, they return to the earthly world and exert influence over reality. The presence of the enchanted within
the daily life of the community—especially as related to the notion of Cultural Salvation—operates as a form
of cultural affirmation and symbolic resistance, opposing historical attempts to silence Afro-Brazilian
religious expressions. The appreciation of these spiritual entities challenges the logic of Cultural Salvation
and the subalternation of local practices, particularly in the field of music education. The category of the
enchanted stood out in discussions with students’ families during field research, representing a significant
portion of the former student population. The enchanted of Cultural Salvation are former students who have
achieved prominent positions in society but who moved to another neighborhood, city, or country to
perform in orchestras, big bands, or other ensembles. They serve as important role models for current music
students. So, they are considered saved.
The final category is the "presents". They too are considered among the saved. These individuals have
acquired musical education and continue to reside within the community. They have been “transformed by
the power of music” and actively engage in the daily life of the Africa community. The "presents" perceive a
beruf or calling to replicate salvation experiences, so they are gifts too.
6. Perspectives and possibilities pathways about Cultural Salvation
Cultural Salvation should not be seen as a conclusion or a classificatory end. It is constructed as an Ideal
Type, following the Weberian approach, and, therefore, should not be used to fit distinct music teaching
practices into contexts of vulnerability that have undergone a process of colonization. On the contrary, it
should be understood as a tool for comparison, approximation, abstraction, and interpretation, helping to
analyze different realities, reflect, and act on cultural and educational transformation processes.
My future intention is to compare data from educational contexts and communities that have undergone
colonization processes. As a work perspective, the field research carried out in 2023 in El Sistema South
London-Canada is currently being analyzed, through the collection of materials and interviews with its
founder. The approximation between the context of a Canadian musical project and the Brazilian Ilha de
Música can be revealing, since both societies went through harsh processes of colonization, segregation and
colonial imposition through education. On the other hand, Canada and Brasil went through different forms
of colonization (occupation and exploitation respectively) and have different development and social
organization.
There is another research in progress of analyses about music as a tool to combat drug addiction. In this
research a student of the Music Degree Course is writing his own story with music as a tool for salvation. He
was considered lost to society but at a certain point in his life, music emerged as an instrument for recovery
from drug use. In this sense, I believe that CS has a broad analytical potential for musical practices.
As music educators, we must recognize that CS is not merely an element rooted in the histories of colonized
nations or confined to the past. Instead, it remains an exercise of power embedded in various contemporary
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musical practices. This reality places upon us the responsibility to engage critically with this concept and
more of this, to engage the history of our students.
As individuals engaged in social projects, we find ourselves at a crossroads, facing at least two divergent
paths. The first is one that rejects all negative elements of colonization that persist in musical practices; this
path ultimately perpetuates systems of inequality and hierarchy, while continuing to promote the mystical
veil surrounding music and excluding the "unsaved." The second path, aware of the complex elements
inherent in Cultural Salvation, seeks to deconstruct practice through critical reflection. This latter path not
only questions the harmful consequences of colonial legacies but also acts upon the systems that sustain the
reproduction of inequalities.
My propose is to deconstruct salvation influence while simultaneously reconstructing a more inclusive and
equitable environment for teaching music to children and adolescents in socially vulnerable contexts. In
another words: It's crucial we challenge Ôia to keep moving. Only by challenging Ôia we can change our
practices and inequalities presents in our contemporary society.
It is therefore essential to critically reflect on the mechanisms that reproduce hierarchies and inequalities,
which are often linked to the notion of Cultural Salvation. Among these, it is possible to highlight the
widespread disregard for so-called unsaved students—those labeled as lost or deviant. Understanding the
reasons why certain students are not “saved” is a necessary step. This reflection must extend beyond the
Brazilian context to include all societies whose social structures have been shaped by colonial legacies,
especially in Latin America.
Transforming practices that reproduce inequality and exclusion is not an easy task, as the forces sustaining
entrenched social structures are deeply resistant to change. Yet, I remain convinced of the potential for
transformation. The present and future of music education are collective undertakings. It is imperative to
critically examine and reimagine the structures that continue to perpetuate hierarchy and inequality in the
21st century. More than a theoretical endpoint, Cultural Salvation should be understood as a call to action.
In Pedagogy of Hope, Paulo Freire (1992) reminds us of the importance of critical enthusiasm, a deep
understanding of social reality, and the recognition that society is both materially and symbolically
constructed—therefore, neither immutable nor natural. We must understand ourselves as historical,
political, social, and cultural beings. If it is possible to construct systems, it is also possible to deconstruct
them.
It is along this path of deconstruction that Baker (2021) proposes a shift in the way we conceptualize music
education, advocating for the rejection of ready-made solutions. Professor Baker conducted an insightful
and critical analysis of the Red de Escuelas de Musica in Colombia. His work involved diagnosing key
structural issues that demanded reexamination, while also proposing reformist actions aimed at disrupting
entrenched patterns. Baker identifies within the schools a disposition toward change—an institutional and
pedagogical openness that allows transformation to become an integral part of both classroom practices
and the broader administrative functioning of the Red. This case stands as a powerful example of how, in
the Latin American context, it is not only possible but necessary to pursue processes of reconstruction that
consciously resist the reproduction of colonial legacies, and the systems of inequality historically embedded
in formal music education.
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Building on the discussions presented in this article, I propose the following questions, to be considered not
only by music scholars but also by educators, parents, and advocates of social projects operating within the
framework of Cultural Salvation—a context that often demands critical reflection and structural rethinking:
1. It is essential to adopt a critical stance that rejects any educational practice which promotes the exclusion
of the “unsaved,” and any mythologization that places music within a metaphysical veil of power. Social
projects should not be reduced to a “lifeline” in which poor children are encouraged by adults to cling to
music in order to avoid a life of crime. Poverty does not equate to criminal propensity.
2. Cases of success in social projects should be understood as unique life stories that offer diverse pathways
for children from various backgrounds—economic, ethnic, racial, gendered, and otherwise. However, these
cases must not be transformed into mechanical models of success to be replicated. Overemphasis on success
stories can obscure the everyday challenges, psychological abuses, long rehearsal hours, and personal
interests of children and adolescents.
3. It is crucial to consider everyday life. In many Latin American countries, children do not have access to full-
time schooling. Social projects contribute not only to musical development but also to combating child
malnutrition, providing recreational activities, and fostering social spaces for community engagement. Race,
gender, and ethnicity must be understood as pedagogical elements essential to the creation of inclusive
musical practices that promote children’s self-awareness in relation to their own cultures.
4. From the perspective of social action through music, it is fundamental to seek mechanisms of
transformation connected to the educational sphere. These may include psychosocial support for families,
the creation of economic development opportunities, and improvements in housing conditions. This does
not mean that music educators must become psychologists, social workers, or politicians, but rather that
they should establish partnerships with social development networks such as education and social assistance
services.
I am likewise convinced that this may not be the sole path forward; it is essential to remain open to dissenting
perspectives and to scholarly research that presents counterarguments. Nevertheless, in light of the data
presented, the cultural legacy of colonization in Latin America, and the urgent need to overcome the inertia
and initiate transformative action, I contend that deconstruction constitutes a necessary course.
On one hand, the issues outlined above serve as catalysts for structural reflections that allow for a critical
examination of the metaphysical veil surrounding the symbolic power of music—a power that often inhibits
self-criticism within musical practices and reinforces an exclusionary logic in which only the "saved" are
acknowledged as legitimate participants in music-making. On the other hand, such reflections open
pathways for new generations of students to break away from the apathy represented by the “slumber of
Ôia” and to engage actively in the musical life of their familial contexts—something that, in my own
experience, was inaccessible during childhood and adolescence. The dismantling of systems that reproduce
inequality, through a musical practice committed to social transformation, thus becomes not only necessary
but urgent.
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